The local story is worse. First came conglomeration. Worcester, Massachusetts, the second-largest city in New England, used to have four dailies: the Telegram , in the morning, and the Gazette , in the evening under the same ownership , the Spy , and the Post. Now it has one. The last great laying waste to American newspapers came in the early decades of the twentieth century, mainly owing to a radio and b the Depression; the number of dailies fell from 2, in to 1, in , leaving 1, cities with only one paper.
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Newspaper circulation rose between and , but likely only because more people were reading fewer papers, and, as A. Liebling once observed, nothing is crummier than a one-paper town. In the nineteen-eighties and nineties, as Christopher B. Media companies that want to get bigger tend to swallow up other media companies, suppressing competition and taking on debt, which makes publishers cowards. Next came the dot-coms. By , only three hundred and fifty of the fifteen hundred daily newspapers left in the United States were independently owned.
And only one out of every hundred American cities that had a daily newspaper was anything other than a one-paper town. Then came the fall, when papers all over the country, shackled to mammoth corporations and a lumbering, century-old business model, found themselves unable to compete with the upstarts—online news aggregators like the Huffington Post est. News aggregators also drew display advertisers away from print; Facebook and Google swallowed advertising accounts whole. Big papers found ways to adapt; smaller papers mainly folded.
In one year alone, circulation fell by twenty-nine per cent. The numbers mask an uglier story. In the past half century, and especially in the past two decades, journalism itself—the way news is covered, reported, written, and edited—has changed, including in ways that have made possible the rise of fake news, and not only because of mergers and acquisitions, and corporate ownership, and job losses, and Google Search, and Facebook and BuzzFeed. Still, journalism, as a field, is as addled as an addict, gaunt, wasted, and twitchy, its pockets as empty as its nights are sleepless.
It wants and it wants and it wants. But what does it need? The daily newspaper is the taproot of modern journalism.
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Early dailies depended on subscribers to pay the bills. The press was partisan, readers were voters, and the news was meant to persuade and voter turnout was high. Newspapers stopped rousing the rabble so much because businesses wanted readers, no matter their politics. If you had a lot of money to spend, you read the St. Paul Dispatch.
Unsurprisingly, critics soon began writing big books, usually indictments, about the relationship between business and journalism. Halberstam, who won a Pulitzer Prize in for his reporting from Vietnam for the New York Times , took up his story more or less where Villard left off. He began with F. Halberstam argued that between the nineteen-thirties and the nineteen-seventies radio and television brought a new immediacy to reporting, while the resources provided by corporate owners and the demands made by an increasingly sophisticated national audience led to harder-hitting, investigative, adversarial reporting, the kind that could end a war and bring down a President.
Halberstam waved this aside as so much P.
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Spiro who? This turn was partly a consequence of television—people who simply wanted to find out what happened could watch television, so newspapers had to offer something else—and partly a consequence of McCarthyism. A whole generation of events had taught us better—Hitler and Goebbels, Stalin and McCarthy, automation and analog computers and missiles.
At the start, leading conservatives approved. What McCarthy and television were for journalism in the nineteen-fifties, Trump and social media would be in the twenty-tens: license to change the rules.
This history is a chronicle of missed opportunities, missteps, and lessons learned the hard way. The C. The next year, the Post shrugged off a proposal from two of its star political reporters to start a spinoff Web site; they went on to found Politico. The Times , Abramson writes, declined an early chance to invest in Google, and was left to throw the kitchen sink at its failing business model, including adding a Thursday Style section to attract more high-end advertising revenue.
More alarming than what the Times and the Post failed to do was how so much of what they did do was determined less by their own editors than by executives at Facebook and BuzzFeed. In addition to the constraints imposed by the Great Firewall and content censorship, the Chinese state also employs a series of active disinformation and distortion measures to influence domestic social media users.
One study by professors at Harvard, Stanford, and UC San Diego, published in April , determined that one in every social media posts are fabricated by the government and that comments and campaigns are focused and directed against specific topics or issues. Conversely, a separate set of scholars at the University of Michigan, who also examined posts from the 50 Cent Party astroturfers , determined that at least one in every six posts on Chinese domestic social media was fabricated by the government. Given its extensive history and experience in domestic social media influence operations, the question arises of how the Chinese government uses foreign social media to influence the American public.
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Similarly to the Russian government, the Chinese Communist Party has sought to influence foreign thoughts and opinions of China for decades. The Chinese government has sought to use state and Party resources to influence how Americans view China is not new. What separates the influence operations of from those of the past 40 years are due to two factors — first, the ubiquity and impact of social media, and second, the expanded intent and scope.
First is the proliferation of social media platforms, the increasingly broad range of services offered, and the ability to engage with and not just broadcast to the intended audience. Over the course of the past decade, social media platforms have evolved to play an ever-expanding role in the lives of users. First and foremost, China seeks a larger role in and greater influence on the current international system.
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As summarized in the U. The media environment in China is nearly completely state-owned, controlled , or subservient to the interests of the state. It is not unusual for the top newspapers and websites in China to all publish the same exact headline.
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Further, research has demonstrated that propaganda, the foundation for Chinese state-run foreign influence operations, can still be highly effective, even if it is perceived as overt. This is for the following five reasons:. The U. It is not clear the extent to which the MSS guides Xinhua reporting or publishing; however, with the knowledge that overseas correspondents are actually intelligence officers, it is impossible to remove the MSS from a role in Xinhua reporting and messaging overseas.
Xinhua has an extensive English-language site and active presence on several U. However, over the course of our research on top reposters and propagators, we noted that many of the top reposter accounts mimicked the bot setup and techniques used by Devumi. These techniques are easy to replicate, and while we assess that the top 20 Xinhua reposters are either broadcast or spam bots , we were unable to determine the ownership of the accounts.
The intelligence system, and the MSS in particular , has a role in shaping and influencing Western perceptions of and policies on China, just as the state-run media, United Front Work Department, and propaganda systems all do. While the strategic objectives are determined, prioritized, and disseminated from Xi Jinping down, each system and ministry uses its own tools and resources to achieve those goals.
Some of these resources and tools overlap, compete with each other, and even degrade the effectiveness of those leveraged by other ministries and systems. The sphere of influence operations is no different. Each system has similar and dissimilar tools, but the same objectives.
Our research indicates that China has taken a vastly different approach to influencing foreign audiences from its approach in the domestic social media space. While the seed material for the influence campaigns is the same state-run media content, there is likely no English-language equivalent to the 50 Cent Party or army of social media commenters.
Chinese state-run accounts are active social media users.
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On average, over the date range we studied, state-run accounts posted 60 to times per day across several Western platforms. On average, over this date range, both accounts posted around 26 times per day.
Both accounts have a large number of followers and follow few other accounts. The posts — photographs and videos — are overwhelmingly positive and present any number of variations on a few core themes:. In terms of audience engagement, a metric used to assess the impact of social media, these two Chinese accounts are useful to compare to Russian IRA-linked accounts over the past several years, laid out in the table below. If we assume that these numbers stayed relatively consistent over the course of , then the total likes for these two accounts would amount to roughly 16,,, and the comments would add up to 51, Facebook and Instagram are two different platforms, specializing in communication in two different mediums, but the numbers are still useful for comparing the techniques utilized and the efficacy of state-directed influence operations.
Comments are leveraged more widely by users on Facebook, and that platform has two additional means of propagating content shares and emoji reactions that Instagram does not. To compare Instagram usage by both Chinese and Russian state-supported influence campaigns, we used data analysis published in the New Knowledge disinformation report from December To approximate the Russia numbers for a standard four-month period, we divided the total numbers into segments to get a rough average for comparison.
Again, as we do not have access to the actual data used by New Knowledge, this table below is intended to represent a rough comparison to estimate efficacy. Further, we have chosen to profile only two of the most prolific Chinese state-run accounts, and not the entire suite of accounts leveraged for influence operations. The below is an estimation of audience engagement from Russian and Chinese state-run influence campaigns on Instagram. These two Chinese influence profiles reached a level of audience engagement roughly one-sixth as large as the entire Russian IRA-associated campaign targeting the United States on Instagram.
Further, Xinhua also leveraged paid advertisements to promote specific posts during this time frame.
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